Martina Šimkovičová, Slovakia’s minister of culture nominated by the radical right-wing Slovak National Party (SNS), is preparing an amendment regarding the state’s official language. This has been confirmed by the ministry itself, which is likely no coincidence: the government has just announced unpopular austerity measures, so the smallest coalition party is trying to revive nationalism in the hope of diverting public attention from, for instance, the drastic VAT hike.
It is hardly by chance, then, that the minister – known for reigniting Slovakia’s culture wars, firing theatre and gallery directors, and restructuring public media – now plans to tighten the supervision of language use and increase the fines for violations.
According to the ministry, the goal of the language law is to “strengthen the status of the Slovak state language” and ensure “effective state supervision.” According to the ministry, the provisions of the current language law have been “regularly violated by certain individuals, the fines have been too lenient, and the authorities’ powers are limited” – as reported by Bumm.sk, a Hungarian-language news portal from Slovakia. The article also points out that the intent to amend the language law was criticised on October 16 by the opposition liberal party, Freedom and Solidarity (SaS), as well as Zsolt Simon, president of the extra-parliamentary Hungarian Forum. They believe the proposal targets the Hungarian minority and fear that private individuals could also be fined.
According to SaS, the language law drafted by the Ministry of Culture is absurd, and the party does not support the intention to impose fines on legal and natural persons who do not use the codified Slovak language.
This law, steeped in nationalism, has often restricted and continues to restrict the rights of the country’s residents to freely disseminate and receive information in their native language, and it also hinders the freedom of enterprise
– said René Parák, a representative of the opposition party. According to the liberals, the law targets the Hungarian minority and drags Slovakia back to the 1990s, a time when the politics of Hungary’s northern neighbour were largely defined by the nationalist governance of Vladimír Mečiar.
Zsolt Simon, a politician independent from the Hungarian Coalition Party (MKP) and co-founder of the Right-Wing Bloc in cooperation with SaS, has similarly criticised Šimkovičová’s proposals. Simon believes that the proposed regulations are not just the intention of the Ministry of Culture but also that of Fico’s government, which increases tensions between the communities living in Slovakia.
Many believe that the amendment would also affect the Hungarian-majority areas in southern Slovakia. According to some reports, this concerns municipalities and towns where there are few or no Slovak residents, meaning that municipal announcements are often published in Hungarian, and certain place names are displayed in Hungarian as well.
At the same time, Viktor Orbán’s government, which has frequently protested against Ukraine’s language law, has reacted only cautiously to Bratislava’s plans. Another Hungarian-language news portal from the country, Parameter, quoted Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Péter Szijjártó, who said that the government is “closely monitoring the potential amendment of Slovakia’s language law and expects that minority rights will not be harmed.” According to Szijjártó, there is currently no official government proposal for the amendment, but preparations are underway.
No one has ever denied that there are problematic issues in Hungarian-Slovak relations. I have always said that the responsible approach is to only raise these difficult issues when we see a chance for their resolution
– Szijjártó stated. He also revealed to Hungarian news portal ATV that the Hungarian ambassador in Bratislava met last week with the Slovak government’s commissioner for minority affairs.
According to another report, Viktor Orbán was scheduled to meet with Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić this Tuesday. However, the Slovak language law was not expected to be discussed during this meeting, as the main topic will be the “potential restriction of the Western Balkan migration route.”
Meanwhile, the Slovak Ministry of Culture is attempting to ease tensions sparked by the proposed tightening of the language law. Although the ministry does plan to amend the law on the state language, their plans do not include any restrictions on the use of minority languages, as stated by the head of the ministry’s communications department.
The scandal-prone Martina Šimkovičová recently met with György Gyimesi, former vice-president and current member of the Hungarian Coalition Party (MKP), to discuss the planned amendment. The meeting was organized by environmental minister Tomáš Taraba, who was also nominated to his position by the radical right-wing Slovak National Party (SNS).
“We find ourselves once again in a situation where a segment of public opinion, with strong support from the opposition, is trying to stir negative emotions and bring ethnic issues to the forefront. Therefore, I am very pleased that György Gyimesi accepted our arguments during the meeting and understood why the amendment is necessary. These changes clarify that we are not attacking any ethnic minority but simply want to protect the state language” – Šimkovičová said after the discussion.
There is no reason to panic about the language law. The minister listened to the arguments of the Hungarians
– György Gyimesi wrote on his Facebook page after the meeting. “One can either create panic and hysteria in the media or opt to negotiate with flowers in hand. I chose the latter –successfully – when I, accompanied by Environmental Minister and dear friend Tomáš Taraba, approached Minister Martina Šimkovičová to discuss the upcoming language law amendment. The Ministry of Culture is refining the draft legislation due for inter-ministerial consultations, to ensure it does not negatively affect Hungarians while providing adequate protection against the increasing influence of the English language. If we treat public officials as partners, we will be treated as partners in return” – Gyimesi stated. Under his post, a photo shows Šimkovičová holding a large bouquet of flowers.
The editor-in-chief of Slovakia’s largest daily, SME, Beata Balogová, commented in her opinion piece that Šimkovičová intends to protect the Slovak language, “we just don’t yet know how”, but she has already angered the Hungarians. She then quoted George Orwell: “Thought corrupts language, but language can also corrupt thought”, arguing that while Šimkovičová and Taraba are likely unaware of theories on how totalitarian regimes sought to control language, they certainly have ideas about how to tighten the use of the Slovak language. According to Balogová, “it’s not great news” when the cultural ministry speaks about making state control “more effective,” since this ministry often draws inspiration from pre-Enlightenment views — for instance, a “flat-Earth expert” has secured important positions in both the ministry and public television.
Beata Balogová also finds it particularly interesting what this new law proposal might bring about in Hungarian-Slovak relations, as it could restrict the use of languages by national minorities. Šimkovičová’s current proposal is intriguing as Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán maintain excellent relations, which both leaders openly promote. According to SME’s editor-in-chief, it will soon become clear whether Orbán is willing to do more for the “well-being” of the Hungarian minority, or if he will rather prioritise his alliance with Fico.
It may also not be a coincidence that on Sunday evening, Péter Magyar mentioned that in Orbán’s most recent radio interview, he claimed to “take a stand beside Robert Fico”, who, in Magyar’s words, is “making life as difficult as possible for the Hungarians in southern Slovakia.” The leader of Tisza Party was also referring to the amendment of the Slovak language law, though he targeted Fico personally rather than Šimkovičová.
Balogová also recalled that in 2009, when Slovakia amended its language law, Bratislava clashed with Miklós Haraszti, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. At the time, the debate focused on expanding Slovak-language radio and TV programs broadcast to minorities, which Haraszti, formerly a politician of now dissolved liberal party SZDSZ, argued would reduce the pluralism of minority broadcasting.
Balogová notes that László Gubík, the new leader of the Hungarian Coalition Party in Slovakia, fears further tightening of the law. Gubík believes enough measures have already been taken to protect the Slovak language, but if the law is to be amended, then Hungarian should be introduced as an official language in municipalities where the minority population is significant enough.
